Oh, so similar...
In looking for the most concise way to complete my project, I asked for assistance from my family members after Thanksgiving dinner (quite the convenience sample as I was ale to chose from our forty-two guests.) Due to the close proximity at which my participants sat while participating, I would not be all that amazed had some of their answers of closest ties been influenced by the atmosphere. Almost everyone who filled out the survey indicated a list entirely of people within the room, with the main exception being the inclusion of my grandmother who was out of the country.
My findings were not all that surprising and had I taken a longer, more arduous approach, I think I would have unearthed more interesting findings. Being as though my mom is one of twelve children, all of whom are now married, their immediate kin network is already larger than most people’s kin and friend network combined. Due to a list serve established three years ago amongst the twelve, this rat pack communicates with one another daily via email and is extremely close knit. Because I am also from this big, close family and would consider five family members the people with whom I discuss important matters, I do not find my results that outrageous or boring (although to others, this probably won’t be the case.) My findings speak to Claude Fischer’s point that “the substitution of nonkin for kin may have deeper consequences” as well as by saying that “kinship has always been the interpersonal glue of society.”
None of my adult respondents listed anyone outside of their family, except my mom who listed a close life-long friend. I figured this may be the case due to the size of everyone’s kin network, but even with those who were considered “in-laws” that I interviewed, they also answered with only kin responses. Thus, everyone’s close ties knew everyone else’s close ties. My findings greatly support Granovetter’s idea of the forbidden triad within which A knows B and C and C and B know one another. I had completed two of my young adult surveys with Penn friends before heading home for the holiday and from those surveys I was able to see that both of my respondents listed their parents and three best friends from school, all of which were close with one another (another forbidden triangle example,) but only vaguely knew their parents. From this I can see that my respondents (who double as my family) do not have a vast range of closest support. I do not see this to be a negative due to the extreme size of this kin network, but this obviously goes to show that not all kin networks are shrinking like the article “Social Isolation in America” would suggest.
My young adult category was comprised mostly of my siblings and cousins with whom I am very close. Because I was administering the survey, as this made it easier for the respondents to comply and two hands were still free to eat, many/most of my younger adult participants (aka my siblings and cousins) included me as one of their closest ties. The relationships analyzed showed very few weak ties included in the relationships overall, as again, almost all of my sample was related and chose relatives as their closest ties.
The patterns I noticed emerging from most of my participants was the inclusion of all living parents, their closest in age siblings, and more people of their same sex than not. The women I interviewed all listed more females than males as their closest confidant. Similarly, all young adults listed more people of their same sex, often timed including no more than one non-relative of the opposite sex. McPherson, Smith-Lovin, and Cook note in their article that gender-segregated networks are not uncanny and that it is very common for one’s relationship to be heavily skewed in favor of their own gender. All of the adults I interviewed listed all non-deceased parents, and all but one of my young adults listed all living parents (a twenty-two year old female listed only her mom.)
Additionally, all but one person who I interviewed for the survey listed six close confidants, the one who did not listed five. Another noteworthy discovery was the popularity of people “in the same country” as close ties for my young adult respondents. Because a good majority of my respondents are in college, and with the help of new media, it seems to be very easy for these relationships to stay constant. Wellman suggests there are three main types of social support; companionship, emotional, and small services. This type of long distance relationship speaks to the argument that it is likely these relationships thrive off of emotional support more than small favors as the likelihood of the first seems more probable than the latter and companionship would prove problematic given the hundreds of miles in between.
Granovetter would argue that my sample may not be the healthiest of networks as they are not necessarily reaping the benefits of weak ties. As Granovetter suggests, weak ties bridge different social groups, and it is obvious here that little bridging is being done and close relationships are staying within clearly defined walls (marriage or birth.) Although the adults I interviewed named almost entirely kin, a few of the young adults had more heterogeneous networks which included more of a mix between friends and family.
My family/group of respondents serves as a perfect example of McPherson, Smith-Lovin, and Cook’s article “Birds of a Feather..” These respondents are almost as homogeneous as they come. Aside from being related, they are all also very similar in behavior, interpersonal characteristics, education, and race which the authors suggest are key ingredients to a truly homophilious network. Another key point that my respondents adhere to is the correlation of age. For the most part, those in my homophilious network are all very close in age- my respondents almost always chose the siblings with which they were closest in age with, which the authors would also agree that age plays a significant role in these homophilious networks. My young adult respondents varied from this claim a bit as many of them also included their parents who are twenty plus years older.
The article titled “Social Isolation in America,” did not take into account large families, or more specifically my family (shocking?) The article showed that more and more people are finding less people in their close networks- specifically noting the change from three to two people- over the past twenty years. Although the authors suggest that social networks are becoming smaller and more intimate, eight of the ten of my adult respondents tried to give me more than six respondents, at which I assured them that was not necessary. Even still, the particular network that I happened to interview showed that the core of this network is doing anything but depleting and knowing them all on a personal basis I can say that contrary to the articles assertions, the larger this network gets, the more occupational, financial, and emotional opportunities there seem to be available.
On the other hand, as indicated by the article, the shrinking of the networks has drawn close relationships back to kin, which is extremely evident with my sample. The authors suggest that people have less close ties with people due to occupation, proximity, and other community contexts, and now rely more on their families to fulfill the roles of close ties. Another connection made between my sample and the findings from McPherson et all was the inclusion of a spouse which all of my adult respondents did. This finding of the inclusion of a spouse lends itself the McPherson’s idea of privatization and “the shift toward conversations with close kin, especially spouses.” This is clearly evidenced in the number of in-person contact between spouses as well as supplemented through a large number of cell phone calls.
Age seemed to be the determining factor in social capital. There was an extremely large divide between all but one of the young adults and the older adults in terms of the position generator. On average, the young adults knew roughly three people serving as one of the included occupations. Of my ten young adult respondents, all are either in college or have been out of college for less than a year, thus I infer this narrows their knowledge of people in these fields as most of their friends are either jobless or starting a job that falls between the mid and highest prestige levels. Of the occupations listed, none of my immediate relatives work in any of the job occupations listed, except for one distant relative who is a policeman. Also adding to the homophily of this network, eight of the ten older adults in my sample are engineers and all ten received Bachelors degrees, which I would argue further homophilized my findings. The youngest respondents in my sample also had the lowest social capital (my eighteen year old sister and eighteen year old, male cousin.) Similarly, my oldest relative in the sample had the highest social capital, knowing someone in each of the occupations. Although many would argue that kin are exposed to smaller and less diverse networks, it was not evidenced here it was the age factor- not a lack of resources. There were only slight difference between males and females in the occupation generator; more woman than men knew hairdressers and flight attendants and more men than women knew truck drivers and mechanics, which evens out the position generator score. On average, the younger men had higher social capital in relation to the occupation generator. This follows along with Lin’s findings suggesting that males have more of an opportunity to accrue social capital.
Having recently lost their father, my mother, her eleven siblings, and their mother are very close. Had they not had the close-knit network and a plethora of close ties, I doubt they would have been able to bounce back as they have- which lends itself to some of the findings of Dickens et all in the “Lack of Close Confidant, but not Depression” article.
I did find something very surprising with my findings. The adults used email to stay in close contact with one another. Because of the size of their close network, all but the spouses, said email was nearly tied with the phone (no differentiation was made between land line and cell) as their main method of contact. Although Granovetter determines weak and strong ties through in person communication, I think this my sample speaks to the contrary as this group pf people are very close, yet do not have very much face time with one another. I often associate email with weak ties and younger generations, but in the case of my sample, it was used for contact amongst the older adults and between close ties. Although the younger adults connected more using IM, adults reported using email on a much larger and more regular scale with close contacts. My findings, like Baym’s, also suggest that young adults, when in close proximity, are using the internet to supplement their face-to face interactions; which remain their number one method of communication when possible. A few of my respondents asked whether or not facebook messaging counted as emailing, which I said did not.