Social network survey results
Though this survey was time consuming, it did show some important differences between gender and age and their corresponding social networks. Though a lot of the results were in line with some of our theories discussed in class, there were some violations that I feel are important. Using the position generator I was able to analyze approximate social capitals. According to Lin, Fu and Husng, the position generator is a method that measures the access, the overall advantage and the collective social capital based on who you know and what they do for a living. Only six out of ten males knew at least 1 person in the top 4 positions on our chart, whereas 8 out of 10 females knew at least one person in these professions. These findings contradict Lin, Fu and Husng’s theory that men tend to have a greater social capital. There are many reasons these results may have occurred, and though we were not supposed to “test” for these specifically, from my personal knowledge of the subjects I drew some conclusions. The majority of the elder women I interviewed were from higher social classes then the men I interviewed. Also, since this survey was a form of sociometric questioning, we can assume that there may be some validity issues. According to Zwijze-Koning and De Jong, subjects may have exaggerated some of their ties and the strengths of these ties. Whether subjects were searching for social validity, or women tend to know a more diverse group of people on a first name basis, there is a substantial difference between men and women.
Gender also played a role in the amount of ties subjects were likely to have. Women tended to average around 5 (4.9) while men were closer to 4 (4.1). In the McPherson et al article, McPherson claims that people have fewer confidants now then they did a decade ago. While all the women had more than 3 close ties, and 4 of them had 6, the men ranged from 1 to 6 close ties, with only one person at each extreme end of the spectrum. The single male who did have 6 confidants listed 5 people in his immediate family (wife and children) and only 1 outsider, a co-worker. Listing his spouse as a close confidant was not unusual, as all of the married elders did list their spouse as one of their top confidants. McPherson’s article showed that while the number of close ties may be decreasing, the amount of spouses chosen as such a tie was significantly higher than just a friend or something else.
Another common trend was that regardless of sex, women were listed more often than men as being close ties. This is to be expected as Wellman and Wortley would have hypothesized, because research has shown that “women are more likely than men to provide emotional support,” both for men, and for women. Though we did not keep tabs on the types of interactions encountered, we can assume that men use women for emotional stability, and possibly just for companionship. Though there was some homophily, especially for girls, among gender, this concept was very strong when it came to age.
Another McPherson article, with Smith-Lovin and Cook stated that age was the strongest of the dimensions. If the relationship was something other than a parent and offspring or spouse, the chances of the confidant being more than 4 years in age from the subject were highly unlikely. Subjects tended to pick confidants from their immediate family (especially the boys) and for the younger crowd, anyone other than said immediate family was always within 2 years of age of the subject. Though the networks may have shown consistency in age, they did not do the same in location. With globalization making communication across the country so much more accessible, people are able to stay in touch with strong ties over great distances, and allowing them to remain strong ties. In “Network Community” Wellman talks about the change with technology and how networks are becoming more dispersed in location. While this was true for the younger group, the elder group tended to interact more with people who resided in their same city. An obvious reason for this is that the older generation is settling down and not looking toward buying or investing much time in learning new media. Older generations almost never IM'ed and only on a few occasions did they email. However in all of the cases of email, this was not the only, nor the primary media source of communication. Email instead is seen as a complementary tool used by older generations to communicate with the younger crowd. Another important finding in the media usage was the absence of land line phones among the younger crowd. Especially in a college setting, it is unusual anymore for young people in this society to have a land line; we tend to rely on our cellular phones for all of our telephones needs. Adults rarely interact with other adults online, and in the 2 instances I found this, they were both co-workers and very well could be doing it during the work day.
Overall college students were more diverse in their methods of communicating. However while Baym, Zhang and Lin found this in their study, they also noticed that face-to-face communication was the dominant means of communication, but this was not the case in our study. Because of the prestige of our school and the distance some students travel to be here, it is not always possible or plausible that students are able to see their families on a regular basis. Since, out of the 10 younger subjects, every person had at least 1 family member, often not in the same state, face-to-face was not as prominent as it was in the elder crowd. However younger subjects were much more likely to use instant messenger, but rarely was it used as a primary source. Overall cell phones were the most often used medium for all subjects, with face-to-face coming in second.
One interesting observation I found was the density of most networks. According to Monge’s theories on transitivity, networks should never have what he refers to as the “forbidden triangle”. In my findings, there were very few instances in which different strong ties were complete strangers, and a great majority of strong ties within the 5 or so confidants chosen. In all of the cases involving strangers, the separate individuals lived in different areas, and one of the confidants was known a significantly shorter time than the other.
Lastly, as a personal side note, I noticed something unique in my dataset. I come from a small town in the Pacific Northwest, with no big city closer than 2 hours (we measure distance in time there). Of the people I interviewed from my small town, it was apparent that networks were increasingly well rounded when compared to other subjects. I know when I took the survey the only profession I did not know someone in was that of a dry cleaner. I find this very interesting because it shows how in smaller communities, people, regardless of their social status, are much more likely to interact, because people will often rely on one another more. In bigger cities, people tend to have a more homophilous network because it is harder to meet individuals who do not share something with you, whether it is an interest, hobby or profession. I think this could be an interesting study for future social network researchers, because I feel this is an important phenomenon that I have realized throughout all the readings over the course of this semester.